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Match Game is an American television panel game show that premiered on NBC in 1962 and has been revived several times ov...
26/01/2023

Match Game is an American television panel game show that premiered on NBC in 1962 and has been revived several times over the course of the last six decades. The game features contestants trying to match answers given by celebrity panelists to fill-in-the-blank questions. Beginning with the CBS run of the 1970s, the questions are often formed as humorous double entendres.

The Match Game in its original version ran on NBC's daytime lineup from 1962 until 1969. The show returned with a significantly changed format in 1973 on CBS (also in daytime) and became a major success, with an expanded panel, larger cash payouts, and emphasis on humor. The CBS series, referred to on-air as Match Game 73 to start and updated every new year, ran until 1979 on CBS, at which point it moved to first-run syndication (without the year attached to the title, as Match Game) and ran for three more seasons, ending in 1982. Concurrently with the weekday run, from 1975 to 1981, a once-a-week fringe time version, Match Game PM, was also offered in syndication for airing just before prime time hours.

Match Game returned to NBC in 1983 as part of a 60-minute hybrid series with Hollywood Squares, then saw a daytime run on ABC in 1990 and another for syndication in 1998; each of these series lasted one season. It returned to ABC in a weekly prime time edition on June 26, 2016, running as an off-season replacement series. All of these revivals used the 1970s format as their basis, with varying modifications.

The series was a production of Mark Goodson/Bill Todman Productions, along with its successor companies, and has been franchised around the world, sometimes under the name Blankety Blanks.

In 2013, TV Guide ranked the 1973–79 CBS version of Match Game as No. 4 on its list of the 60 greatest game shows ever.[2][3] It was twice nominated for the Daytime Emmy Award for Outstanding Game Show, in 1976 and 1977.

Since 2010, Match Game has been parodied by drag artist RuPaul in his hit series RuPaul's Drag Race, as "Sn**ch Game", where the contestants each impersonate a different celebrity for comedic effect.

1962–69, NBC

Gene Rayburn (center) hosting a prime-time Match Game special episode, 1964
The Match Game premiered on December 31, 1962. Gene Rayburn was the host, and Johnny Olson served as announcer; for the series premiere, Arlene Francis and Skitch Henderson were the two celebrity panelists. The show was taped in Studio 8H at 30 Rockefeller Plaza in New York City, NBC's largest New York studio, which since 1975 has housed Saturday Night Live, among other shows. The show originally aired in black and white and moved to color on June 24, 1963.[4]

A team scored 25 points if two teammates matched answers or 50 points if all three contestants matched. The first team to score 100 points won $100 and played the audience match, which featured three survey questions (some of which, especially after 1963, featured a numeric-answer format; e.g., "we surveyed 50 women and asked them how much they should spend on a hat," a format similar to the one that was later used on Family Feud and Card Sharks). Each contestant who agreed with the most popular answer to a question earned the team $50, for a possible total of $450.

The questions used in the game were pedestrian in nature: "Name a kind of muffin," "Write down one of the words to 'Row, Row, Row Your Boat' other than 'Row,' 'Your,' or 'Boat,'" or "John loves his _____." The humor in the original series came largely from the panelists' reactions to the other answers (especially on the occasional all-star episodes). In 1963, NBC canceled the series with six weeks left to be recorded. Question writer Dick DeBartolo came up with a funnier set of questions, like "Mary likes to pour gravy all over John's _____," and submitted it to Mark Goodson. With the knowledge that the show could not be canceled again, Goodson gave the go-ahead for the more risqué-sounding questions, a decision that caused a significant boost in ratings and an "un-cancellation" by NBC.

The Match Game consistently won its time slot from 1963 to 1966 and again from April 1967 to July 1968, with its ratings allowing it to finish third among all network daytime TV game shows for the 1963–64 and 1967–68 seasons (by the latter season, NBC was the dominant network in the game show genre; ABC was not as successful and CBS had mostly dropped out of the genre). NBC also occasionally used special episodes of the series as a gap-filling program in prime time if one of its movies had an irregular time slot. Although the series still did well in the ratings (despite the popularity of ABC's horror-themed soap opera Dark Shadows), it was canceled in 1969 along with other game shows in a major daytime programming overhaul, being replaced by Letters to Laugh-In which, although a spin-off of the popular primetime series Rowan & Martin's Laugh-In, ended in just three months, on December 26.

The Match Game continued through September 26, 1969, on NBC for 1,760 episodes, airing at 4:00 p.m. Eastern (3:00 p.m. Central), running 25 minutes due to a five-minute newscast slot. Since Olson split time between New York and Miami to announce The Jackie Gleason Show, one of the network's New York staff announcers (such as Don Pardo or Wayne Howell) filled in for Olson when he could not attend a broadcast.

On February 27, 1967, the show added a "telephone match" game, in which a home viewer and a studio audience member attempted to match a simple fill-in-the-blank question, similar to the 1970s' "head-to-head match". A successful match won a jackpot, which started at $500 and increased by $100 per day until won.

Very few episodes of the 1960s The Match Game survive (see episode status below).

AbstractIn despotically driven animal societies, one or a few individuals tend to have a disproportionate influence on g...
25/01/2023

Abstract
In despotically driven animal societies, one or a few individuals tend to have a disproportionate influence on group decision-making and actions. However, global communication allows each group member to assess the relative strength of preferences for different options among their group-mates. Here, we investigate collective decisions by free-ranging African wild dog packs in Botswana. African wild dogs exhibit dominant-directed group living and take part in stereotyped social rallies: high energy greeting ceremonies that occur before collective movements. Not all rallies result in collective movements, for reasons that are not well understood. We show that the probability of rally success (i.e. group departure) is predicted by a minimum number of audible rapid nasal exhalations (sneezes), within the rally. Moreover, the number of sneezes needed for the group to depart (i.e. the quorum) was reduced whenever dominant individuals initiated rallies, suggesting that dominant participation increases the likelihood of a rally's success, but is not a prerequisite. As such, the ‘will of the group’ may override dominant preferences when the consensus of subordinates is sufficiently great. Our findings illustrate how specific behavioural mechanisms (here, sneezing) allow for negotiation (in effect, voting) that shapes decision-making in a wild, socially complex animal society.

1. Background
Group consensus is ubiquitous in social invertebrate and vertebrate animals [1] and is necessary for individuals to reap the benefits of group living—including added protection from predators, greater information sharing and better defence of resources [2]. One of the most obvious instances of group coordination in social animals is the decision to move off from a resting spot [3]. Signals used by individuals in the pre-departure and foraging stage of group movement have been described across taxa [4] and often operate in a type of quorum, where a specific signal has to reach a certain threshold before the group changes activity [4,5]. This ensures that a minimum number of individuals (the actual quorum number) are ready to move off [4]. Past research in meerkats, Suricata suricatta, for example, has found that a quorum of at least two and usually three meerkats emitting ‘moving calls’ are necessary for the whole group to move to a new foraging patch, and ‘piping signals’ in honeybees, Apis mellifera [6], and ‘trills’ in white faced capuchin monkeys, Cebus capucinus, [7] are required for collective departures to occur.

Certain individuals can also have a disproportionate influence on collective behaviour decisions within social systems that exhibit variation in inter-individual relationships (e.g. kinship and dominance structures, see [8,9]). For example, dominance rank and/or an individual's social role (measured as social affiliation strength to others) are often found to correlate with leadership roles, a phenomenon observed pervasively in primates [10]. In social canids, research on group living has focused largely on the role of dominants in directing and repressing subdominant behaviour in group decision-making [11].

Here, we investigate the collective decisions of African wild dog (Lycaon pictus) packs in Botswana during the transition from a sedentary resting state to an active moving state. African wild dogs are the ‘most social canid’ and exhibit uniquely non-aggressive, dominant directed group living, exemplified by stereotyped social rallies [12–14]: high energy, socially intricate pre-departure greeting ceremonies that are ‘conspicuous’, ‘highly ritualized’, and are ‘of high adaptive value…and serve to hold the pack together’ [13]. Dominant breeding pairs in an African wild dog pack affect the behaviour of the pack as a whole; the dominant-directed social system facilitates feeding by pups at kill sites [15], suppresses sub-dominant pregnancies [16], and ensures collective care for a denning female and pups [17]. However, little is known about the extent to which dominants, or single individuals, drive behaviour outside the reproductive realm. Sueur & Petit [3], assert that African wild dogs (Lycaon pictus) likely use ‘shared consensus’, in which all group members participate in the decision-making process, because their ‘open social system’ is defined by pervasive cooperation. However, no study has systematically investigated how these social carnivores make collective decisions.

Given that African wild dog packs are characterized by pervasive cooperation [12,14] and show intricate pre-departure greeting ceremonies [12–14], we expected a majority or all group members to participate in group consensus about departures. However, because dominant individuals are known to steer many types of group activities [16–18], we expected dominants to have a disproportionate influence in this process. We therefore tested the overall hypothesis that African wild dogs exhibit ‘partially shared consensus’ decisions [3,18].

It is known in several other animal species that the number and identity of individuals participating in the decision process can influence the outcome of collective decisions, and that valuable experience may be correlated with age or dominance [9,19,20]. Moreover, specific recruitment cues or signals may help guide conspecifics [9] or even be used as a type of voting mechanism [4]. Therefore, to understand the mechanisms by which packs reach a consensus [15] we gathered data relating to the proportion of the pack engaged in social behaviour, individual participation, and the role of potential communication mechanisms to negotiate timing of departure. Since African wild dogs display dominant-directed group living [20,21] we examined to what extent individual participation in rallies, and specifically the dominants' participation, affected the likelihood of a successful group movement. Preliminary observations during rallies indicated that audible, abrupt exhalations of air through the nose, ‘sneezes’ (figure 1; see electronic supplementary material video), appeared to be frequent during rallies and may serve as a pre-departure cue or signal [15]. Therefore we investigated the potential for the occurrence of sneezes to serve as a voting mechanism that determines whether the pack should depart [4,22] while also considering the relative importance of other factors: the dominance status of the initiator [9], the level of social participation [10], and the number of other departure events that day [11].

Figure 1.
Figure 1. Spectrogram of dominant male African wild dog ‘sneeze’ recorded prior to a group departure event. This example spectrogram was prepared in CoolEdit Pro 2002 (v. 2.0, Syntrillium Software Corporation, Phoenix, AZ), with 44 100 sampling rate visualized in Hamming window, resolution 1024 bands, and linear energy plot at 20% scaling. The spectrogram shows linear bars (likely an intake of breath), followed by atonal high-frequency bandwidth rapid exhalation, or ‘sneeze’. Energy is shown from light (low) to dark (high).

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2. Methods
Data were collected from five packs (Inline Formula adult group size = 8.80 ± 3.63) of African wild dogs in and around the Moremi Game Reserve in the Okavango Delta from June 2014 to May 2015. At least one individual in each pack was fitted with a VHF radio collar (ca. 180 g; Sirtrack, Havelock West, New Zealand) using darting and immobilization procedures described previously [23]. Collars allowed packs to be located and were replaced when they failed. Some individuals remained collared following the completion of this study as they formed part of a long-term study conducted by the Botswana Predator Conservation Trust (BPCT) spanning the past 25 years [20]. All individuals (N = 49) were identified by their unique pelage patterns, and ages and life histories were known for all individuals except some immigrants (N = 10). We estimated the age classes (adult, yearling, or pup) of these 10 individuals using a combination of body size, pelage development, testicular development, and tooth and ear wear. All work was conducted in accordance with the guidelines for the treatment of animals in behavioural research and teaching [24].

To explore the dynamics of collective movement decisions, packs were observed from a vehicle (N = 52 days; Inline Formula days/pack/month = 2.03 ± 0.50), and their behaviours were recorded during rally periods via direct observation (scan and continuous sampling) and video recordings (Nikon, COOLPIX S7000). Rallies were initiated when an individual rose from rest in the distinctive initiation posture: head lowered, mouth open, and ears folded back [13]. These initiators were identified. Not all rallies resulted in collective movements, and rallies were considered to have ended when all individuals either returned to rest or departed the resting site. We observed 1.92 ± 0.54 (Inline Formula) rallies per observation session (N = 68 rallies; Inline Formula per pack = 14.2 ± 6.75).

From video data, we performed behavioural scans every 5 s from initiation until the end of the rally. We used critical incident sampling to record the number of audible, abrupt exhalation of air through the nose, or ‘sneezes’, during rally attempts and calculated the aggregated frequency of sneeze events per minute before and after the end of rallies. ‘Sneezes’ are atonal high-frequency bandwidth rapid exhalations that are stereotyped and obvious in rallies (figure 1). We observed sneezes while individuals were walking with their heads hanging or standing with their ears alert and tail relaxed (electronic supplementary material video). Other dogs did not startle in response to these vocalizations, or look toward the sneezer, as might be expected if the sounds were associated with a threat display or a sign of alarm. While it was clear from video data how many sneezes occurred during a rally, the thick habitat prevented us from being able to routinely identify which individuals sneezed, and so we only measure frequency, and not identity, of sneezers. For each behavioural scan, we recorded which individuals participated in one or more of three stereotypical social interactions: ‘Greet’, when individuals touched heads or approached within 1 m of one another; ‘Parallel Run’, when individuals ran flank to flank; and ‘Mob’, when three or more individuals gathered within 1 m of one another [12,13]. The proportion of adults participating in these interactions ranged from 0 (rallies in which there was no social behaviour or only yearlings and pups interacted) to 1 (rallies in which all adults were actively engaged at one point, though not necessarily simultaneously).

In a variety of animal systems, the identity, social status, or age–sex class of the individual initiating a collective movement (i.e. moving away from the resting group) can be critical to the likelihood of a collective departure [9,18,19]. Because relative rank beneath the dominant pair is not readily decipherable within African wild dog packs, we used priority of access to carcasses (POA) as a proxy for dominance: the dominant pair and their pups (less than 1 year) have first access to kills (POA1), followed by yearlings, (POA2), and subdominant adults (more than 2 years) (POA3) [20,21].

We used simple bivariate tests, such as chi-square and the binomial test for equality of proportions conducted in the package R with significance level 0.05, to initially explore relationships between rally success (departure/no departure) and recorded observations of order of rally attempt, proportion of adults participating in social behaviour, dominants' participation in rallies, number of sneezes, and initiator demographic [25]. To further investigate the factors affecting whether a social rally resulted in the pack departing (1) or not (0) from their current rest site, we ran a series of binomial generalized linear mixed effects models (GLMMs) in the package ‘lme4’ [26] in R [25]. Eleven out of 68 rallies were excluded from these specific analyses as their ultimate success or failure and/or the identity of the initiator was not determined. Terms included in the model set were: total number of sneezes in a rally, the initiator's priority of access to kills (1, 2, 3), consecutive attempt number per observation session, and the proportion of adults participating in social behaviours. Pack identity was included as a random term in the models to control for repeated measures. We used Akaike's information criterion to select the most plausible model from a set of credible options. All terms and their two-way interactions were sequentially added to the basic model, with each retained only if it reduced the AIC by two or more as lower AIC values correspond to better relative support for each model [27]. To validate that there was no improvement to the minimal model, each term was then removed sequentially from the minimal model. Terms were retained only if their removal inflated AIC by more than two [28] As the Akaike weight of the best model was less than 0.9 and several models had deviance in the AIC lower than seven units [29,30], we conducted model averaging using the MuMIn package [31]. We selected the top models whose cumulative AIC weights were more than 0.95 to construct model-averaged estimates of the parameters [28] Model diagnostics were performed by inspection using the DHARMa package, which uses a simulation-based approach to create readily interpretable scaled residuals from fitted GLMMs [32] Data from all top models included in model averaging met model assumptions.

Unless you are an aficionado of the great moments of Chinese Communist history, you probably won't have heard of Wuhan (...
23/01/2023

Unless you are an aficionado of the great moments of Chinese Communist history, you probably won't have heard of Wuhan (it is the site of Chairman Mao's legendary swim across the Yangtze).

But perhaps more than any other Chinese city, it tells the story of how China's remarkable three decades of modernisation and enrichment, its economic miracle, is apparently drawing to a close, and why there is a serious risk of a calamitous crash.

In Wuhan I interviewed a mayor, Tang Liangzhi, whose funds and power would make London's mayor, Boris Johnson, feel sick with envy. He is spending £200bn over five years on a redevelopment plan whose aim is to make Wuhan - which already has a population of 10 million - into a world mega city and a serious challenger to Shanghai as China's second city.

The rate of infrastructure spending in Wuhan alone is comparable to the UK's entire expenditure on renewing and improving the fabric of the country. In this single city, hundreds of apartment blocks, ring roads, bridges, railways, a complete subway system and a second international airport are all being constructed.

The middle of town is being demolished to create a high tech commercial centre. It will include a £3bn skyscraper that will be more than 600m high (roughly double the height of London's Shard) and either the second or third tallest in the world (I met executives of the state owned developers, Greenland, who were coy about precisely how tall it would finally be).

And, of course, the point of my visit to Wuhan was to tell a broader story. Over the past few years, China has built a new skyscraper every five days, more than 30 airports, metros in 25 cities, the three longest bridges in the world, more than 6,000 miles of high speed railway lines, 26,000 miles of motorway, and both commercial and residential property developments on a mind-boggling scale.

Third wave
Now there are two ways of looking at a remaking of the landscape that would have daunted Egypt's pharaohs and the Romans. It is, of course, a necessary modernisation of a rapidly urbanising country. But it is also symptomatic of an unbalanced economy whose recent sources of growth are not sustainable.

Perhaps the big point of the film I have made, to be screened on Tuesday (How China Fooled the World, BBC2, 9pm) is that the economic slowdown evident in China, coupled with recent manifestations of tension in its financial markets, can be seen as the third wave of the global financial crisis which began in 2007-08 (the first wave was the Wall Street and City debacle of 2007-08; the second was the eurozone crisis).

Why do I say that?

Well in the autumn of 2008, after the collapse of Lehman, there was a sudden and dramatic shrinkage of world trade. And that was catastrophic for China, whose growth was largely generated by exporting to the rich West all that stuff we craved. When our economies went bust, we stopped buying - and almost overnight, factories turned off the power, all over China.

I visited China at the time and witnessed mobs of poor migrant workers packing all their possessions, including infants, on their backs and heading back to their villages. It was alarming for the government, and threatened to smash the implicit contract between the ruling Communist Party and Chinese people - namely, that they give up their democratic rights in order to become richer.

So with encouragement from the US government (we interviewed the then US Treasury Secretary, Hank Paulson), the Chinese government unleashed a stimulus programme of mammoth scale: £400bn of direct government spending, and an instruction to the state-owned banks to "open their wallets" and lend as if there were no tomorrow.

A farmer shovels soil at a vegetable field near a new residential compound on the outskirts of Wuhan
IMAGE SOURCE,REUTERS
Image caption,
The lending boom led to a huge increase in construction
Which, in one sense, worked. While the economies of much of the rich West and Japan stagnated, boom times returned to China - growth accelerated back to the remarkable 10% annual rate that the country had enjoyed for 30 years.

But the sources of growth changed in an important way, and would always have a limited life.

Toxic investment
There are two ways of seeing this.

First, even before the great stimulus, China was investing at a faster rate than almost any big country in history.

Before the crash, investment was the equivalent of about 40% of GDP, around three times the rate in most developed countries and significantly greater even than what Japan invested during its development phase - which preceded its bust of the early 1990s.

After the crash, thanks to the stimulus and the unleashing of all that construction, investment surged to an unprecedented 50% of GDP, where it has more or less stayed.

Here is the thing: when a big economy is investing at that pace to generate wealth and jobs, it is a racing certainty that much of it will never generate an economic return, that the investment is way beyond what rational decision-making would have produced.

That is why in China, there are vast residential developments and even a whole city where the lights are never on and why there are gleaming motorways barely tickled by traffic.

But what makes much of the spending and investment toxic is the way it was financed: there has been an explosion of lending. China's debts as a share of GDP have been rising at a very rapid rate of around 15% of GDP, or national output, annually and have increased since 2008 from around 125% of GDP to 200%.

The analyst Charlene Chu, late of Fitch, gave a resonant synoptic description of this credit binge:

"Most people are aware we've had a credit boom in China but they don't know the scale. At the beginning of all of this in 2008, the Chinese banking sector was roughly $10 trillion in size. Right now it's in the order of $24 to $25 trillion.

"That incremental increase of $14 to $15 trillion is the equivalent of the entire size of the US commercial banking sector, which took more than a century to build. So that means China will have replicated the entire US system in the span of half a decade."

Anyone living in the rich West does not need a lecture on the perils of a financial system that creates too much credit too quickly. And in China's case, as was dangerously true in ours, a good deal of the debt is hidden, in specially created, opaque and largely financial institutions which we've come to call "shadow" banks.

There are no exceptions to the lessons of financial history: lending at that rate leads to debtors unable to meet their obligations, and to large losses for creditors; the question is not whether this will happen but when, and on what scale.

Which is why we've seen a couple of episodes of stress and tension in China's banking markets over the past nine months, as a possible augury of worse to come.

Slowing growth
More broadly, for the economy as a whole, when growth is generated over a longish period by debt-fuelled investment or spending, there can be one of two outcomes.

If the boom is deflated early enough and in a controlled way, and measures are taken to reconstruct the economy so that growth can be generated in a sustainable way, the consequence would be an economic slowdown, but disaster would be averted.

But if lending continues at breakneck pace, then a crash becomes inevitable.

So what will happen to China's economic miracle?

Well, the Chinese government has announced economic reforms, which - in theory - would over a period of years rebalance the economy away from debt-fuelled investment towards consumption by Chinese people.

Charles Liu, a prominent Chinese investor, with close links to the government in Beijing, explained to me how far China's growth rate is likely to fall from the current 7-8%:

"I think China could do very well if the quality of the growth is transformed to higher value add." He said. "You're really looking at 4% is fine."

But as yet the reforms are at a very early stage of implementation, and the lending boom goes on. What is more, the current building splurge so enriches many thousands of communist officials, from a system of institutionalised kickbacks, that there are concerns about the ability of the central government to force the changes through.

Also, the social and political consequences of Charles Liu's 4% growth could be profound: it is unclear whether that is a fast enough rate to satisfy the people's hunger for jobs and higher living standards, whether it is fast enough to prevent widespread protest and unrest.

And what if the lending and investing bonanza can't be staunched? Then we would be looking at the kind of crash that would shake not just China, but the globe.

The biggest story of my career has been the rise and rise of China. Hungry, fast-growing China has shaped our lives, sometimes but not always to our benefit.

It boosted our living standards, by selling us all those material things we simply had to have, cheaper and cheaper. But its exporters killed many of our manufacturers. And the financial surpluses it generated translated into our dangerous deficits, the secular and risky rise of indebtedness in much of the West.

Also its appetite has led to huge increases in the price we all pay for food, for energy, for commodities. What's more, China's influence in Asia and Africa has profoundly shifted the global balance of power.

So would an economically weakened China be good for us in the West? Well, it wouldn't necessarily be all bad.

But a China suddenly incapable of providing the rising living standards its people now see as their destiny would be less confident, less stable, and - perhaps for the world - more dangerous.

Pharoah Pepi II – Flies and HoneyWhile the expression ‘you can catch more flies with honey than with vinegar’ may not go...
23/01/2023

Pharoah Pepi II – Flies and Honey
While the expression ‘you can catch more flies with honey than with vinegar’ may not go all the way back to Ancient Egypt, the Pharoah Pepi II certainly understood the concept.

Reign of Pepi II
Pepi II began his reign at the age of six during the sixth dynasty of egypt’s Old Kingdom. His throne name was Neferkare which means “Beautiful is the spirit of Ra”. Some suggest he reigned for 94 years, but it’s more likely to have been 64. The length of his reign may have led to stagnation in his administration, a potential factor in the rapid decline of the Old Kingdom. The decline was primarily a factor of increased power of local nobles who had been accumulating significant wealth and were becoming more powerful. The Old Kingdom would come to an end within a few decades of the end of Pepi II’s reign.

Flies and Honey
Alledgedly Pepi II despised flies and would keep naked slaves smeared with honey near him in order to keep flies away.

Pygmy for Entertainment
The content of a letter sent by Pepi II to a governor of Aswan has been preserved on the governor’s tomb. According to the inscriptions, word reached the pharoah that Harkhuf (the governor) had captured a pygmy on an expedition to Nubia. The young king sent word to Harkhuf that he would be greatly rewarded if he were to bring the pygmy alive to the court apparently for entertainment purposes.

Family
Pepi II had several wives including Neith, Iput II, Ankhesenpepi III, Ankhesenpepi IV, and Udjebten and at least three sons. Three of his wives have minor pyramids as part of his pyramid complex in Saqqara.

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